C , and Paris. Iranian scientists have traveled to North Korea to glean information about building a nuclear weapon. Yes, other regimes challenge the global order; other regimes make common cause with terrorists. But the men who run Iran have normalized terrorism into a basic government function -- like building roads. Indeed, it could be argued that the Islamic Republic of Iran is not a regime that engages in terrorism, but rather a terrorist organization that runs a regime.
As Sen. Bob Menendez, D-N. In an obvious signal to the United States and its regional allies, Iran in October lobbed medium-range missiles from its territory, over Iraqi airspace and into Syria. Because the deal came into force not through the treaty-ratification process but through executive action, it could be undone through executive action — and so it was. There are a number of actions the United States could take to pursue and attain those objectives.
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Sanctions The re-imposition of sanctions is hurting the Iranian economy. Iranian oil exports are down 62 percent since May. Boeing and the French energy firm Total have pulled out of multibillion-dollar investment deals with Tehran. In and , Iran tested missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons — in violation of U. Security Council resolutions. Yossi Kuperwasser follow with a critical look at the November "U.
National Intelligence Estimate on Iran and its Aftermath. Unfortunately, the Iranians have exploited the time they have been granted while sanctions were tried to complete most of the technological groundwork for reaching this goal. Michael Mickey Segall writes in "Iran Signals Its Readiness for a Final Confrontation" that since the publication of the November IAEA report, which explicitly spotlights Iran's plans to build nuclear weapons, senior figures of the Iranian regime and the state-run media have begun to use threatening, defiant, and sometimes contemptuous language toward Israel and the United States.
Segall states that, from Iran's standpoint, an ongoing, head-on confrontation with the U. Hence, compromise has almost ceased to be an option for Iran. The countries of the Middle East will probably be more predisposed than the Cold War protagonists to brandish their nuclear weapons, not only rhetorically but also through nuclear alerts or nuclear tests, leading to situations of multilateral nuclear escalation, says Dr. Opening a review of other potentially aggressive Iranian military capabilities, Uzi Rubin, who served as head of Israel's Missile Defense Organization between and , observes in "New Developments in Iran's Missile Capabilities: Implications Beyond the Middle East" that Iran is vigorously pursuing several missile and space programs at an almost feverish pace with impressive achievements.
The Iranians have upgraded their ballistic missiles to become satellite launchers. To orbit a satellite is a highly sophisticated endeavor. A space launcher that can orbit a satellite weighing kg can be altered into an ICBM. Part II deals with ideology in Islamic Iran. Moreover, their religious and ideological training raises serious questions about whether Western deterrence doctrines can be expected to work with a nuclear Iran.
Finally, Iran expert and former U. Defense Department official Dr. Harold Rhode looks at "The Sources of Iranian Negotiating Behavior," by identifying patterns exhibited by the Iranian government and the Iranian people since ancient times. Most importantly, he identifies critical elements of Iranian culture that have been systematically ignored by Western policy-makers for decades.
It is a precise understanding of these cultural cues that should guide policy objectives when dealing with the Iranian government. His partners in promoting this policy are the presidents of Venezuela and Bolivia. Iran's goal is clear: to obtain African support for Tehran's policies, and most recently for its nuclear program, in international forums.
Tehran charges that Syria is the victim of an attempt by the West, led by the United States, to overthrow the Assad regime, under cover of the "Arab Spring. Segall then discusses how "Iran Sees New Opportunity for Regional Domination Despite Turkish Competition," noting how the Iranian political-military leadership has argued that the protest movements in the Arab world draw their inspiration from Iran's Islamic Revolution. Turkey and Iran are currently in competition to lead the changes now shaping the Muslim world.
Initially, Iran reacted with restraint toward Turkey, but now it appears to be fighting back. Iran has accused Turkey of sponsoring "liberal Islam" and cooperating with the West. In any case, both countries remain hostile toward Israel. Segall follows with an analysis of "Deteriorating Relations between Iran and Turkey," emphasizing the extent of the struggle between the two countries for regional hegemony. Iran has claimed sovereignty over Bahrain, maintaining that it formerly constituted Iran's fourteenth province. Iran is acting vigorously to overthrow the current regime using clandestine cells and organizing the Shiite population for protests, aided by Lebanese Hizbullah.
Part IV addresses the Iranian threat on Israel's northern border through its creation of the Hizbullah militia. The 7th Hizbullah General Conference and its Continued Ideology of Resistance," which analyzes the group's most recent political manifesto published in November Shapira then looks at "Ahmadinejad in Lebanon," explaining how Iranian President Ahmadinejad's visit to Lebanon in constituted an additional stage in the process of the Lebanese state's collapse.
He notes that following the visit, Hizbullah supporters will find it difficult to argue that theirs is a national Lebanese party operating in the Lebanese reality on behalf of Lebanese objectives. Ahmadinejad arrived in Lebanon not as the head of a friendly country who wants to promote good relations with a sovereign state, but as the supreme commander who came to review his soldiers at the front against Israel, and as an investor who was coming to check on his investments. He asserts that failure to respond to these Iranian-sponsored provocations will only invite further adventurism by the Tehran regime elsewhere in the region.
But Hizbullah is part of the Iranian security apparatus. Saying that Hizbullah has moderate elements that have moved away from terrorism ignores how Hizbullah is serving its Iranian patrons. Michael Segall expands on how "Iran Changes the Balance of Power in Lebanon," noting the lack of initiative on the part of Western countries in response to Iran's efforts.
Damascus Airport has been identified as the transit point for airlifts of Iranian arms that were subsequently transferred to Hizbullah via the open Syrian-Lebanese border, under the supervision of the Syrian security services. Finally, Shimon Shapira concludes with a look at "Hizbullah's Predicament in Light of Syria's Decline," where he assesses Hizbullah's status in the wake of the tenuous survival of the Assad regime in Syria, as well as in light of the international tribunal that has accused four Hizbullah members of involvement in the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri.
February Dore Gold Over the last decade, a clear international consensus has slowly emerged that Iran was not just pursuing a civilian nuclear program, as Tehran argued, but rather was seeking nuclear weapons. True, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty guarantees the right of signatories, like Iran, to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, but that did not include a right to enrich uranium in order to produce indigenous nuclear fuels that could be employed for nuclear weapons.
Many countries with nuclear power infrastructures, like South Korea, Finland, Spain, and Sweden, actually received their nuclear fuels from abroad. A second secret enrichment facility, near Qom, buried deep inside a mountain, was disclosed in Because of the way Iran proceeded with its nuclear program, international suspicions of its purpose only increased. The official Iranian line that its nuclear infrastructure was for the production of electricity lost all credibility over time, especially in light of its enormous oil and gas reserves which were a far more economical source of energy.
Thus, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev frankly admitted in July , "We are not indifferent to how the military components of the corresponding [nuclear] program look. While Iran's continuing enrichment of uranium that began in has defied no less than six UN Security Council resolutions, unfortunately there has been a tendency, at times, over the last five years to play down the immediacy of the Iranian nuclear threat. According to the article, the critical question was how long it would take the Iranians to convert their supplies of low-enriched uranium to weapons-grade uranium to make a bomb: what has been called by experts, "nuclear breakout.
For example, the Washington Post ran a dramatic headline at the top of its front page on October 18, , which read "Iran 'Setback' on Nuclear Program. Because of its prominence, the report in the Washington Post set the news agenda for the days that followed. Time magazine featured the story. So did CNN. Even Fox News reported that Iran was having "major problems" with its nuclear program. One of its lead commentators, Charles Krauthammer, spoke about the Iranian nuclear program being "devastated" and suggested that the West had been able to "disarm and retard the program.
As background to the debate over the Iranian nuclear program, it is important to know some basic essentials.
Iran: From Regional Challenge to Global Threat - -5% en libros | FNAC
Uranium is normally found in two forms or isotopes: U with a nucleus made up of 92 protons and neutrons and the lighter isotope, U whose nucleus is made up of 92 protons and neutrons. It is only the lighter isotope, U, that can undergo nuclear fission and release the energy needed for a nuclear reactor or an atomic bomb.
But natural uranium is only 0.
Iran has converted its uranium ore into a gas, at a facility in Isfahan, and then injected the uranium gas into centrifuges that spin at high speeds to increase the amount of U, at its Natanz enrichment plant. A civilian reactor needs only 3. Most international concern was directed toward Iran's uranium enrichment efforts under the assumption that Tehran had decided that its nuclear weapons would be based on weapons-grade uranium.
In comparison, North Korea's first nuclear test was based on a plutonium bomb. Iran had an active plutonium effort underway. It was building a heavy-water reactor at Arak and a heavy-water production plant. Iran told the IAEA that the heavy-water reactor would only be ready at the end of While UN resolutions called on Iran to suspend all heavy-water projects and Iran nonetheless persisted with this work, the more.
This change was one of the main factors that led some analysts to conclude that the Iranian nuclear program was in trouble; the stories on the problems that the Iranians faced were based on the view that some of their centrifuges were breaking down or were not as efficient as previously thought and had to be repaired or replaced. It would be reasonable to ask how Iran could make a final dash to weapons-grade uranium with faulty centrifuge machines.
For example, Gary Samore, President Obama's advisor on nuclear issues, has been quoted as questioning the "technical competence" of the Iranians. First, the overall quantities of low-enriched uranium in Iranian stockpiles are steadily growing. If Iran had kg. If all Iran requires is kg. According to data developed by the Institute for Science and Technology, in May , the Iranians were producing a little over 80 kg.
Iran’s Environmental Impasse
A year later in May , the rate of production increased to kg. By May , the monthly rate of production was nearly kg. Another area of concern about the Iranian uranium enrichment program was connected with the Fordow facility near Qom. But what made Fordow a special concern was the fact that it was built deep inside a mountain that is roughly feet in height, and hence far better protected than the Natanz facility which is estimated to be only feet deep. The November IAEA report revealed that Iran had already transferred "one large cylinder" containing an unspecified amount of low-enriched uranium from Natanz to Fordow.
Nuclear deal fallout: The global threat of Iran
Presumably, the Iranians hoped to produce either percent-enriched. His promotion to this sensitive position should have raised eyebrows in the West. The UN Security Council designated him in as one of a list of Iranians suspected of involvement in "Iran's nuclear or ballistic missile activities.